-
This month in Euskal Herria
(2008-05-05) Ce mois-ci à Euskal Herria, Analyse de Gauche Indédependantiste Basque
(2008-04-28) Este mes en Euskal Herria
(2008-04-23) Ante los sucesos del Tibet
(2008-04-03) Frente al estadode excepción, abstención - analisis febrero 2008
(2008-03-05)
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(01-05-08) El Juez Garzón encarcela a la alcaldesa de Arrasate
(2008-05-05) Les années sombres du GAL
(2008-04-28) Le troisième Salon de l’Immobilier débute dans la contestation du collectif Lurra
(2008-04-28) Le 30e anniversaire d’Herri Batasuna sous la menace
(2008-04-28) L´autonomie des îles Aland: un exemple
(2008-04-28)
(2008-05-05)
This month in Euskal Herria
After a month of electoral hangover, the Basque pro-independence left-wing (or patriotic left) wants to communicate to the international community how it interprets the situation of the Basque Country, by making a brief analysis of the electoral results.
The pro-independence left-wing not only resisted the oppressive attacks, but also improved its results, according to the positive response obtained by its call for an active abstention.
PSOE won, especially in those communities prone to a negotiated solution and in those sectors that are afraid of the Spanish right-wing.
The lack of a clear positioning by the PNV and its conformist position regarding the Spanish Government in the process, weakened the mentioned party.
The results clearly show the will of the Basque society for a real political change. A political change that will solve the conflict in this country once and for all. In the face of that, the Basque pro-independence left-wing confirms again that there is no other alternative to the democratic process. There repression will do nothing but prolong the conflict and extend the pain. Because of that, the Basque pro-independence left-wing is still committed to a democratic solution.
In this document, we will try to briefly explain the reasons we have just mentioned.
The pro-independence left-wing not only resisted the oppressive attacks, but also improved its results, according to the positive response obtained by its call for an active abstention.
An interpretation of the requested abstention makes us see that the Basque pro-independence left-wing not only maintained, but improved the results obtained in the previous elections in May 2007. This result can be extracted by taking the increment of the abstention percentage in the Basque territories and applying it to the whole census. While the participation rate of 2004 repeated in the Estate, 10 % more of the inhabitants of Euskal Herria stayed at home.
In Euskal Herria, 206,000 people less voted, but we must take into account the corresponding increase of the volume of the census during the last four years.
According to the official data of the Home Office, 733,598 people abstained in Euskal Herria. Four years ago, 526,790 people abstained, without considering foreign residents. That means that 206,808 people more than on M-14 abstained in Euskal Herria on M-9, according to comparable parameters.
The reasons for the abstention of those 206,808 people and the total 733,598 people are unknown, and each one of them will have its own. But, in an interpretation compared to other elections and after seeing the last stage of the campaign, we can say that among the 206,808 people that voted in 2004 and have not voted now, there were not many PSOE or PP followers, as both electorates have been very stimulated and the results do not allow to see a escape from abstention. Therefore, these abstainers come from the patriotic vote that, this time, decided not to vote.
An impressive display of strength of the pro-independence left-wing in the most difficult conditions of the last 30 years. Since this social sector asked for an active abstention, the rest of the political agents have tried to fight it. Besides, the success of the patriotic left goes beyond the difference between the abstention percentages from 2004 and 2008, as it is clear that thousands of possible "technical" abstainers voted in order to avoid their attitude to be confused with the so-called patriotic left, especially after the attack in Arrasate/Mondragón. The large amount of towns with an abstention of above 50 % shows clearly the positive response obtained by the pro-independence left-wing.
Therefore, oppression does not erode the social support of the patriotic left. Not even the judicial-police action, nor the boycott of the media and the criminalisation of their proposals get to weaken the foundations of the patriotic left. The Law on Political Parties failed again, the patriotic left is a first-rate agent despite the imprisonments, and PNV's policy to erode its social-electoral space did not work. Since the Law on Political Parties was first applied five years ago (local elections in 2003), all the attempts of the state to dissolve the basis, the electorate of the pro-independence movement have failed. This way, around 200,000 voters constitute the active and unbreakable pillar of the patriotic left.
PSOE won, especially in those communities prone to a negotiated solution, and in those sectors that are afraid of the Spanish right-wing.
PSOE obtained 11,064,524 votes in the Spanish State; in other words, 43,64%, almost 40,000 more than in 2004 (then obtained 11,026,163 votes). Therefore, it maintained the 2004 results, results which were conditioned by the March 11th suicide attack. And even though PP obtained almost 400,000 votes more (10,169,973 votes as opposed of 9,763,144 in 2004), it kept a percentage difference of 3.5 points. In other words, the 4-year-long radical campaign aimed at eroding the socialist Government did not obtain the results expected by the PP, although it confirms the awful consequences of a made-to-measure transition for Francoism, with a present ultraconservative, ultranationalist and reactionary opposition, a socialist party that develops the dirty work of capitalism and a non-existing left-wing as a change force.
But it was in Euskal Herria where Zapatero's party got its best results. PSOE not only obtained 540,000 votes in Euskal Herria, but also a percentage eight points above the best results it ever had in the BAC, which was 29.2% in 1982, when Felipe González arrived. With regard to Navarre, the number of votes obtained by Zapatero is also the highest in history: 115,837, much more than in 2004 and 1982.
But the vote increment of the PSOE in March 2008 in Euskal Herria has nothing to do with the votes achieved in other moments of its history. To a great extent, it is a vote against others. Against the PP and its Spanish nationalist policy. The PP and its media have criticised the PSOE for, theoretically, suggesting some changes in the model of state and facing a peace process, and it had the social support for that attempt on the table, even if we consider it was not honest and that this Government is responsible for its failure. But, for many, the option was the PSOE, "which at least tried", or the PP, which shows the exclusive route of oppression. Thanks to those victories, the PSOE won all over Spain. Therefore, that is the support the Government has received: a part of the Spanish society that wants to solve the conflict with the Basque Country. Those who only look for more oppression voted the PP, the Francoist right-wing. The progressive sectors gave the victory to the PSOE (like in 2004), afraid of the Spanish right. The classical sectors of the left or abstainers that moved before the reactionary right of the PP.
The lack of a clear positioning by the PNV and its conformist position regarding the Spanish Government in the process, weakened the mentioned party
The PNV lost 120,000 votes in the last elections regarding the 2007 results, and obtained around 300,000 votes. One of the worst results of its history. Certainly, if we stand by the position that the party has kept during the peace process, the failure is due to its lack of a clear pro-independence positioning and its little participation in the process. In various ways, Basque citizens have recognised in BATASUNA and in PSOE political agents "that at least tried". The lack of a clear position of the PNV and the many times it followed PSOE's, had its consequences.
We must not forget that it was when the PNV showed its most pro-independence position (autonomous elections with the Ibarretxe proposal) when the PNV obtained its best results in its history.
The ambiguous positionings of the PNV, the clear pro-Spanish Government position of its previous president Josu Jon Imaz and the current president Mr. Urkullu, and the disappearance of President Ibarretxe from the political scene during the last months has affected the PNV, which is suffering a serious crisis and knows that the present political framework model does not work anymore. Its survival in the political ambiguity is ending, and it will have to choose other clear pro-independence positions that will solve the conflict, or centralist positions that will prolong the conflict and its serious consequences for ever.
There is no real alternative to the democratic process. The repression will do nothing but prolong the conflict and extend the pain.
Although the Spanish Government did not stop using oppressive resources during the negotiation process (we must remember that Arnaldo Otegi was imprisoned a few days after ETA announced the ceasefire), it is very clear that the end of the ceasefire produced an unprecedented oppressive escalation and, nowadays, there is the largest number of political prisoners in Euskal Herria since the seventies. The Spanish Government has put into operation all the machinery in its hands to make disappear the whole patriotic left from the Basque public life. Besides, it has started a punishment operation that hardens life and conditions in prison, worsens dispersion and materialises the perpetual chain through the so-called Parot doctrine, by which tens of political prisoners will see their effective prison period increased to thirty or forty years. Everything, with one objective: to get the patriotic left to renounce to its political propositions.
The calls to antiterrorist consensus, to the "we will never negotiate again", to the oppressive way, are bound to fail. But they will cause more pain and suffering. Back in the day, we said that we did not share Zapatero's analysis on a "long, hard and difficult" process. We did not share it and we do not share it by principle, as we do not want to prolong the pain of the parties.
There is a solution and it is democratic
In the last years, the Basque pro-independence left-wing has brought forward the proposal with the model which had to be promoted in the Basque Country. It was explained in the Anoeta proposal, which set the need to promote two dialogue lines or tracks: one between ETA and the Government, and another one among the Basque political forces. Moreover, in 2007, it presented a proposal of the democratic framework which solved the Gordian knots of the Basque conflict, by giving voice to Basque citizens. The mentioned knots are the separation of the Basque Country in two autonomous communities in the Spanish State, and the right to decide of the whole country.
The starting point of the democratic proposal were the present decision areas, that is, the Basque Autonomous Community and the Foral Community of Navarre. The proposal suggested the reunification of these areas in one entity representing the four Basque provinces, if the majority of citizens of these provinces decide so. Moreover, intermediate mechanisms of relation would be established. An organisation that should also be acknowledged the right to decide its future (about the model of relationship that it wants to have with the Spanish State), based in democratic majorities and where all the political projects, including the pro-independence one, would be both feasible.
Therefore, the proposal was democratic as well as realistic in the present Europe. The proposal fits completely in the construction process that is being carried out in Europe. Instead of disturbing, the proposal strengthens the internal European stability, since it solves one of the oldest conflicts in Western Europe through democratic and involving mechanisms and processes.
The Basque pro-independence left-wing continues supporting democratic solution, dialogue and negotiation as the mechanisms to solve the conflict. In spite of the oppressive attacks, we continue to offer the olive branch together with the proposal of a democratic framework. Now, the Spanish Government has to decide which path to follow; the path followed by DeKlerk, Mayor and Blair or the path which are following the Turkish or the Sinhalese governments.
Euskal Herria, 9th April 2008
.................................................................................................................
This month in Euskal Herria
After a month of electoral hangover, the Basque pro-independence left-wing (or patriotic left) wants to communicate to the international community how it interprets the situation of the Basque Country, by making a brief analysis of the electoral results.
The pro-independence left-wing not only resisted the oppressive attacks, but also improved its results, according to the positive response obtained by its call for an active abstention.
PSOE won, especially in those communities prone to a negotiated solution and in those sectors that are afraid of the Spanish right-wing.
The lack of a clear positioning by the PNV and its conformist position regarding the Spanish Government in the process, weakened the mentioned party.
The results clearly show the will of the Basque society for a real political change. A political change that will solve the conflict in this country once and for all. In the face of that, the Basque pro-independence left-wing confirms again that there is no other alternative to the democratic process. There repression will do nothing but prolong the conflict and extend the pain. Because of that, the Basque pro-independence left-wing is still committed to a democratic solution.
In this document, we will try to briefly explain the reasons we have just mentioned.
The pro-independence left-wing not only resisted the oppressive attacks, but also improved its results, according to the positive response obtained by its call for an active abstention.
An interpretation of the requested abstention makes us see that the Basque pro-independence left-wing not only maintained, but improved the results obtained in the previous elections in May 2007. This result can be extracted by taking the increment of the abstention percentage in the Basque territories and applying it to the whole census. While the participation rate of 2004 repeated in the Estate, 10 % more of the inhabitants of Euskal Herria stayed at home.
In Euskal Herria, 206,000 people less voted, but we must take into account the corresponding increase of the volume of the census during the last four years.
According to the official data of the Home Office, 733,598 people abstained in Euskal Herria. Four years ago, 526,790 people abstained, without considering foreign residents. That means that 206,808 people more than on M-14 abstained in Euskal Herria on M-9, according to comparable parameters.
The reasons for the abstention of those 206,808 people and the total 733,598 people are unknown, and each one of them will have its own. But, in an interpretation compared to other elections and after seeing the last stage of the campaign, we can say that among the 206,808 people that voted in 2004 and have not voted now, there were not many PSOE or PP followers, as both electorates have been very stimulated and the results do not allow to see a escape from abstention. Therefore, these abstainers come from the patriotic vote that, this time, decided not to vote.
An impressive display of strength of the pro-independence left-wing in the most difficult conditions of the last 30 years. Since this social sector asked for an active abstention, the rest of the political agents have tried to fight it. Besides, the success of the patriotic left goes beyond the difference between the abstention percentages from 2004 and 2008, as it is clear that thousands of possible "technical" abstainers voted in order to avoid their attitude to be confused with the so-called patriotic left, especially after the attack in Arrasate/Mondragón. The large amount of towns with an abstention of above 50 % shows clearly the positive response obtained by the pro-independence left-wing.
Therefore, oppression does not erode the social support of the patriotic left. Not even the judicial-police action, nor the boycott of the media and the criminalisation of their proposals get to weaken the foundations of the patriotic left. The Law on Political Parties failed again, the patriotic left is a first-rate agent despite the imprisonments, and PNV's policy to erode its social-electoral space did not work. Since the Law on Political Parties was first applied five years ago (local elections in 2003), all the attempts of the state to dissolve the basis, the electorate of the pro-independence movement have failed. This way, around 200,000 voters constitute the active and unbreakable pillar of the patriotic left.
PSOE won, especially in those communities prone to a negotiated solution, and in those sectors that are afraid of the Spanish right-wing.
PSOE obtained 11,064,524 votes in the Spanish State; in other words, 43,64%, almost 40,000 more than in 2004 (then obtained 11,026,163 votes). Therefore, it maintained the 2004 results, results which were conditioned by the March 11th suicide attack. And even though PP obtained almost 400,000 votes more (10,169,973 votes as opposed of 9,763,144 in 2004), it kept a percentage difference of 3.5 points. In other words, the 4-year-long radical campaign aimed at eroding the socialist Government did not obtain the results expected by the PP, although it confirms the awful consequences of a made-to-measure transition for Francoism, with a present ultraconservative, ultranationalist and reactionary opposition, a socialist party that develops the dirty work of capitalism and a non-existing left-wing as a change force.
But it was in Euskal Herria where Zapatero's party got its best results. PSOE not only obtained 540,000 votes in Euskal Herria, but also a percentage eight points above the best results it ever had in the BAC, which was 29.2% in 1982, when Felipe González arrived. With regard to Navarre, the number of votes obtained by Zapatero is also the highest in history: 115,837, much more than in 2004 and 1982.
But the vote increment of the PSOE in March 2008 in Euskal Herria has nothing to do with the votes achieved in other moments of its history. To a great extent, it is a vote against others. Against the PP and its Spanish nationalist policy. The PP and its media have criticised the PSOE for, theoretically, suggesting some changes in the model of state and facing a peace process, and it had the social support for that attempt on the table, even if we consider it was not honest and that this Government is responsible for its failure. But, for many, the option was the PSOE, "which at least tried", or the PP, which shows the exclusive route of oppression. Thanks to those victories, the PSOE won all over Spain. Therefore, that is the support the Government has received: a part of the Spanish society that wants to solve the conflict with the Basque Country. Those who only look for more oppression voted the PP, the Francoist right-wing. The progressive sectors gave the victory to the PSOE (like in 2004), afraid of the Spanish right. The classical sectors of the left or abstainers that moved before the reactionary right of the PP.
The lack of a clear positioning by the PNV and its conformist position regarding the Spanish Government in the process, weakened the mentioned party
The PNV lost 120,000 votes in the last elections regarding the 2007 results, and obtained around 300,000 votes. One of the worst results of its history. Certainly, if we stand by the position that the party has kept during the peace process, the failure is due to its lack of a clear pro-independence positioning and its little participation in the process. In various ways, Basque citizens have recognised in BATASUNA and in PSOE political agents "that at least tried". The lack of a clear position of the PNV and the many times it followed PSOE's, had its consequences.
We must not forget that it was when the PNV showed its most pro-independence position (autonomous elections with the Ibarretxe proposal) when the PNV obtained its best results in its history.
The ambiguous positionings of the PNV, the clear pro-Spanish Government position of its previous president Josu Jon Imaz and the current president Mr. Urkullu, and the disappearance of President Ibarretxe from the political scene during the last months has affected the PNV, which is suffering a serious crisis and knows that the present political framework model does not work anymore. Its survival in the political ambiguity is ending, and it will have to choose other clear pro-independence positions that will solve the conflict, or centralist positions that will prolong the conflict and its serious consequences for ever.
There is no real alternative to the democratic process. The repression will do nothing but prolong the conflict and extend the pain.
Although the Spanish Government did not stop using oppressive resources during the negotiation process (we must remember that Arnaldo Otegi was imprisoned a few days after ETA announced the ceasefire), it is very clear that the end of the ceasefire produced an unprecedented oppressive escalation and, nowadays, there is the largest number of political prisoners in Euskal Herria since the seventies. The Spanish Government has put into operation all the machinery in its hands to make disappear the whole patriotic left from the Basque public life. Besides, it has started a punishment operation that hardens life and conditions in prison, worsens dispersion and materialises the perpetual chain through the so-called Parot doctrine, by which tens of political prisoners will see their effective prison period increased to thirty or forty years. Everything, with one objective: to get the patriotic left to renounce to its political propositions.
The calls to antiterrorist consensus, to the "we will never negotiate again", to the oppressive way, are bound to fail. But they will cause more pain and suffering. Back in the day, we said that we did not share Zapatero's analysis on a "long, hard and difficult" process. We did not share it and we do not share it by principle, as we do not want to prolong the pain of the parties.
There is a solution and it is democratic
In the last years, the Basque pro-independence left-wing has brought forward the proposal with the model which had to be promoted in the Basque Country. It was explained in the Anoeta proposal, which set the need to promote two dialogue lines or tracks: one between ETA and the Government, and another one among the Basque political forces. Moreover, in 2007, it presented a proposal of the democratic framework which solved the Gordian knots of the Basque conflict, by giving voice to Basque citizens. The mentioned knots are the separation of the Basque Country in two autonomous communities in the Spanish State, and the right to decide of the whole country.
The starting point of the democratic proposal were the present decision areas, that is, the Basque Autonomous Community and the Foral Community of Navarre. The proposal suggested the reunification of these areas in one entity representing the four Basque provinces, if the majority of citizens of these provinces decide so. Moreover, intermediate mechanisms of relation would be established. An organisation that should also be acknowledged the right to decide its future (about the model of relationship that it wants to have with the Spanish State), based in democratic majorities and where all the political projects, including the pro-independence one, would be both feasible.
Therefore, the proposal was democratic as well as realistic in the present Europe. The proposal fits completely in the construction process that is being carried out in Europe. Instead of disturbing, the proposal strengthens the internal European stability, since it solves one of the oldest conflicts in Western Europe through democratic and involving mechanisms and processes.
The Basque pro-independence left-wing continues supporting democratic solution, dialogue and negotiation as the mechanisms to solve the conflict. In spite of the oppressive attacks, we continue to offer the olive branch together with the proposal of a democratic framework. Now, the Spanish Government has to decide which path to follow; the path followed by DeKlerk, Mayor and Blair or the path which are following the Turkish or the Sinhalese governments.
Euskal Herria, 9th April 2008
.................................................................................................................
